If you don’t already know: Yes, there is water on the moon. NASA suggests there’s as much as 600 million metric tons of water ice there, which could someday help lunar colonists survive. It could even be turned into an affordable form of rocket fuel (you just have to split water into oxygen and hydrogen, and presto—you have propulsion for spaceflight). 

Unfortunately, we’ve never known how much water is actually on the moon, where exactly those reserves are stored, or how to access and harvest it. Nor have scientists ever really understood how water originated there.

We still don’t have answers to these questions, but two new studies published in Nature Astronomy today do suggest that water on the moon is not as hidden away as scientists once thought. 

Through the looking glass

The first study reports the detection of water molecules on lunar surfaces exposed to sunlight near the 231 kilometer-long Clavius crater, thanks to observations made by the Stratospheric Observatory for Infrared Astronomy (SOFIA) run by NASA and the German Aerospace Center. It has long been thought that water would have the best chance of remaining stable in regions of the moon, such as large craters, that are permanently covered in shadows. Such regions and any water they contained, researchers thought, would be protected from temperature disturbances induced by the sun’s rays. 

As it turns out, there’s water sitting in broad daylight. “This is the first time we can say with certainty that the water molecule is present on the lunar surface,” says Casey Honniball, a researcher at NASA Goddard Space Flight Center and lead author of the SOFIA study.

The SOFIA observations point to water molecules incorporated into the structure of glass beads, which allows the molecules to withstand sunlight exposure. The amount of water contained in these glassy beads is comparable to 12 ounces dispersed over a cubic meter of soil, spread across the surface of the moon. “We expect the abundance of water to increase as we move closer to the poles,” says Honniball. “But what we observed with SOFIA is the opposite”—the beads were found in a latitudinal region that’s closer to the equator, though that’s not likely to be a global phenomenon. 

SOFIA is an airborne observatory built out of a modified 747 that flies high through the atmosphere, so its nine-foot telescope can observe objects in space with minimal disturbance by Earth’s water-heavy atmosphere. This is especially useful for observing in infrared wavelengths, and in this case it helped researchers distinguish molecular water from hydroxyl compounds on the moon. 

The glassy water features on the moon were previously found in an investigation on lunar mineralogy conducted in 1969 (thanks to observations made by a balloon observatory). But those observations were not reported and published. “Maybe they did not realize the big discovery they had actually made,” says Honniball. 

The amount of water contained in the glassy beads is a bit low to be useful to humans, but it’s possible the concentration is much greater in other areas (the SOFIA study only focused on one area of the moon). 

More important, the findings tease the possibility of a “lunar water cycle” that might replenish water reserves on the moon, something that seems barely comprehensible for a world long thought to be dry and dead. “It’s a new area we’ve not really looked at in any great detail before,” says Clive Neal, a planetary geologist at the University of Notre Dame, who was not involved in either study.

The smallest shadows

The second study, however, might be more relevant to NASA’s immediate plans for lunar exploration. The new findings suggest that the moon’s water ice reserves are sustained in what are called “micro cold traps” that are just a centimeter or less in diameter. New 3D models generated using thermal infrared and optical images taken by NASA’s Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter show that the temperatures in these micro traps are low enough to keep water ice intact. They may be responsible for housing 10 to 20% of the water stored in all the moon’s permanent shadows, for a total area of about 40,000 square kilometers, mostly in regions closer to the poles. 

“Instead of just a handful of large cold traps within ‘craters with names,’ there’s a whole galaxy of tiny cold traps spread out over the whole polar region,” says Paul Hayne, a planetary scientist at the University of Colorado, Boulder, the lead author of the study. “Micro cold traps are much more accessible than larger, permanently shadowed regions. Rather than designing missions to venture deep into the shadows, astronauts and rovers could remain in sunlight while extracting water from micro cold traps.” There might be hundreds of millions or even billions of these sites strewn across the lunar surface. 

More data makes more mysteries

The studies aren’t perfect. There is no clear explanation yet for how these water-bearing glasses formed. Honniball says they likely originated from meteorites that either generated the water upon impact or delivered it as is. Or they could be the result of ancient volcanic activity. Neal points out the SOFIA study isn’t able to provide a complete picture of why the distribution of glass appears as a function of latitude, or how it might change over a full lunar cycle. Direct observations are needed to confirm what both studies suggest, and to answer the questions they raise. 

We might not have to wait long for that kind of data. In the run-up to the Artemis missions intended to take astronauts back to the surface of the moon, NASA plans to launch a suite of robotic missions that would also help characterize the water ice content on the moon. The most high-profile of these missions is VIPER, a rover scheduled for launch in 2022 that’s supposed to prospect for subsurface water ice. 

In light of the new findings, NASA might elect to change VIPER’s goal a bit to study surface water as well, and take a closer look at any glass features under the sun or examine how well the micro cold traps might work to preserve water ice. Other NASA payloads, as well as missions run by other countries, are likely to study the contents of surface water more closely. Neal suggests that a lunar exosphere monitoring system would be very useful in unraveling the history of water on the moon and figuring out how a possible lunar water cycle results in stable (or unstable) water on the surface.

“The more we look at the moon, the less we seem to understand,” says Neal. “Now we’ve got a few more reasons to go back and study it. We’ve got to get to the surface and get samples and set up monitoring stations to actually get definitive data to study this kind of cycle.”

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The US space program has been a footnote to every presidential administration since Richard Nixon. Nothing, not even the space shuttle or the International Space Station, could define a presidency or an era of American life the way the Apollo program did. 

It still won’t define the first (and maybe only) presidential term of Donald Trump. But even before Trump moved into the White House, his campaign and some of his policy advisors in the space community dropped hints that the administration would take a big interest in the direction of the space program

Sure enough, there were some major changes. Many of these new policies had their origins before Trump. But the administration accelerated things to a speed the program has not moved at in decades. 

Whether Trump is reelected or not, he has had an outsize impact on the space program. That influence will be felt over the next four years no matter who occupies the White House. Here are the five biggest impacts Trump has had on US space policy.

1. From Mars to the moon

On December 11, 2017, Trump signed Space Policy Directive 1, which officially called for NASA to begin work on a human exploration program that would return astronauts to the surface of the moon and lay the groundwork for a sustained presence (i.e., a lunar colony). This was a pivot from President Obama’s directions for NASA to build a program that would take humans to Mars in the 2030s and establish a sustained presence there. The plan was for the moon missions to utilize the architectures being developed for Mars, such as the next-generation Space Launch System and the Orion deep space crew capsule.

Early last year, the administration accelerated the timeline for the return to 2024. “The common thread among many of the policy options, transition and industry officials said, is a focus on projects able to attract widespread voter support that realistically can be completed during Mr. Trump’s current four-year presidential term,” the Wall Street Journal reported in 2017. Though a 2024 landing would happen in a second term, should Trump win reelection it would be a defining achievement of his presidency. Most experts agree, however, that NASA is increasingly unlikely to meet that deadline.  

But there are also arguments for why the moon makes sense. As current NASA administrator Jim Bridenstine likes to say, the moon is a “proving ground” for deep space missions to places like Mars. It’s easier to get to, offers a low-gravity environment to test out life support systems and other technologies needed for long-term off-world living, and could be a site of fuel production for future spacecraft

During Obama’s presidency, many people in the space community felt that going directly to Mars “was such a big problem, and the money was so inadequate for that, that it became almost worse than nothing,” says Casey Dreier, a space policy expert with the Planetary Society. “They said they were going to Mars but contributed almost nothing to that effort.” 

As Obama’s term drew to a close, “it became very clear that the moon was going to have to be the objective,” says James Vedda, a policy analyst with the Aerospace Corporation. “Trump just made it official.”

This won’t change, even if there’s a new administration in the White House come January. The Democratic platform released this year says the party is on board with going to the moon, though the unreasonable 2024 deadline will likely get pushed back.

2. Commercialization of low Earth orbit 

This was another trend continued from past administrations. The Commercial Resupply Services (CRS) program (which contracted private companies to run resupply missions to the ISS) had its beginnings under George W. Bush and matured under Obama. The success of this program helped bolster support for the Commercial Crew Program (CCP) under Obama (when Joe Biden was vice president), which aimed to replace the space shuttle with commercial vehicles developed by SpaceX and Boeing to send astronauts to the space station. After numerous delays (some of which put NASA in the unenviable position of having to extend its reliance on Russia for access to the ISS), CCP finally realized its goals in May, when SpaceX’s Crew Dragon vehicle took astronauts to the ISS.

Trump can’t take credit for CRS or CCP, but he can take credit for applying its blueprint to the space program as a whole (even if CCP’s success is still to be determined). Trump embraced commercialization of low Earth orbit. “Seeing [CRS and CCP] pay off now with a sort of Midas touch about it, we’ve seen NASA now take that and put it almost everywhere it possibly can,” says Dreier. NASA wants to buy moon rocks from private companies, buy Earth science imagery from commercial satellites, open the ISS up to private visitors, and bring private companies to the moon

In Dreier’s view, the big question is whether the success of sending people to the space station through commercial partners can be replicated elsewhere, for things that haven’t been tried before. A commercial company has never landed on the moon—yet in less than four years a commercially built lander is expected to do exactly that, with human astronauts. The Trump administration has set things into turbo-drive, resulting in a flurry of new activities and opportunities for the commercial sector. But given how volatile spaceflight is, a new administration might prefer to slow down that approach to strengthen safety testing. 

3. Space Force

The rise of China and the deterioration of relations with Russia, the only other two space powers that could rival the US, have been a concern for US officials on both sides of the political aisle. The potential for conflicts in orbit has grown over time.

The Trump administration’s big idea? Space Force. It sounds like something from a 1950s comic book, but it was essentially a catchy way of making sure enough attention and resources would be devoted to scanning Earth’s orbit for threats and fortifying national assets against interference. As space activity grew, that organization would grow as well—and the Air Force could concentrate on things on the ground. 

Not everyone thinks it is such a good idea. A major argument against Space Force is that it doesn’t do anything the Air Force didn’t already handle. It reorganizes those operations under one roof, but it also adds new layers of hierarchy and bureaucracy. As the Brookings Institution’s Michael O’Hanlon has argued, the creation of a small US Space Command to oversee space operations across the military made sense; a bloated Space Force does not. 

Both Democrats and Republicans had pondered creating such an organization for quite some time, says Vedda. He thinks Trump’s real impact was to accelerate the timeline by a decade and make the venture permanent. There isn’t really a path to disband the Space Force, even if a new administration wanted to (and the Biden campaign has made no suggestion it would try). More frequent antisatellite testing by Russia has made it clear that conflicts in space can and are likely to spring up in the future. Space Force might sound silly—but it’s probably here to stay.

4. Earth science

It’s hardly been a secret Trump has spent his entire term trying to gut NASA’s work in studying climate change. The administration tried to ax NASA’s Carbon Monitoring System and the Orbiting Carbon Observatory 3 mission. It still wants to cancel the ocean-observing PACE mission and the climate-studying CLARREO mission. NOAA has suffered decreases in funding for its environmental satellite programs.

Trump hasn’t eliminated the Earth science observation that’s done from space, but he’s blunted its impact by limiting how the data can be used. At a time when climate change is getting worse and we should be augmenting these programs, the administration has chosen instead to leave the Paris accords and deregulate greenhouse-gas emissions. 

5. National Space Council

Lastly, an achievement for Trump that has rather slipped under the radar: the resurrection of the National Space Council, a body (defunct since 1993) that brings together officials from many different parts of the government (such as national security, energy, commerce, and transportation) to discuss the US space program. Space encompasses a lot of different areas, but Vedda argues that people tend to specialize in only one, which makes it harder for them to think about considerations outside their own field. “Issues can very easily fall through the cracks,” he says. “The National Space Council makes sure none of these things fall through the cracks.”

The Trump administration’s decision to resurrect the council was unusual, helped by the fact that Vice President Mike Pence (who chairs the council) took a big interest in space. It has been a surprising force in shaping the direction of US space policy, bringing together discussions on everything from how the military and NASA could collaborate to satellite regulation and communications standards to future technology and energy experiments. It’s unclear whether Biden would keep the council going. Space officials from around the country recently came together to “war game” a hypothetical council operating under Biden, but if his running mate, Kamala Harris, shows no interest, it could very well be on its way out once again.

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The 2020 election may be among the most consequential in modern memory, but it’s not just candidates that are on the ballot. Voters in 34 states are deciding on 129 measures, including several that touch on the way we use technology.

Among these are three initiatives in California, Massachusetts, and Michigan that could affect access to and control of data, with national implications for both citizen and consumer rights. 

State and local initiatives are typically bellwethers, with successful ones serving as models for other states. And in areas such as data and technology, where there aren’t always federal regulations, state laws can often become the de facto national policy when companies choose to match the highest regulatory standard.

Here are three ballot initiatives worth watching on November 3. 

California: Will Proposition 24 expand privacy protections? 

California’s Proposition 24, the “Consumer Personal Information Law and Agency Initiative,” seeks to expand the state’s data privacy law, the California Consumer Protection Act.  The CCPA went into effect in January and already represents the country’s most comprehensive privacy bill. 

Prop 24 would close several perceived gaps in the current law. It would create an enforcement agency, change its “Do not sell” provision to “Do not sell or share,” and expand the type of sensitive information that users could opt out of sharing with advertisers, like data on health, race, genetics, sexual orientation, religious beliefs, and union membership. Additionally, Prop 24 would allow the new enforcement agency to take immediate action, including fines, for CCPA violations, rather than wait out the 30-day grace period that companies currently receive to “cure” the breach.

But these expanded privacy measures come at a cost. Consumers would still have to opt into the protections, rather than opt out, and companies would be allowed to charge more for goods and services to make up for revenue they lose by not getting to sell data. This could make it harder for low-income and other marginalized groups to exercise their privacy rights. 

Prop 24 has divided privacy- and rights-oriented groups like the NAACP (which is for the bill), the ACLU (which is against it), and the Electronic Frontier Foundation (which has remained neutral, calling it “a mixed bag of partial steps forward and backwards”). Tech companies and associations like the Internet Association and chambers of commerce have remained surprisingly quiet. 

Spending on the Yes campaign has vastly outstripped No, with most money coming from Bay Area real estate developer Alastair Mactaggart, who was behind both this proposition and the earlier one that led to the CCPA. An October poll commissioned by the Yes on Prop 24 campaign showed that 77% of Californians were in favor of the measure.

But regardless of the outcome, other states will likely follow suit. California’s CCPA led to at least nine similar regulations across the country, in states including Maryland, Nevada, and Massachusetts. 

Massachusetts: Who should own your car’s wireless data? 

While voters in California are considering how best to protect consumer data, Question 1 in Massachusetts asks voters to consider how, and with whom, consumer data should be shared. 

The data in question is the wireless information transmitted by cars, known as telematics. If the question passes, cars made in 2022 or later and sold in Massachusetts would be required to have standardized, open-access telematics systems accessible to the owner or anyone else. In practice, this means third-party repair shops, who are leading the support for the bill. 

Ultimately, the debate is about consumers’ right to choose who gets to repair their devices. 

Massachusetts passed the country’s first right-to-repair law in 2013, requiring car manufacturers to sell diagnostic data to third-party shops. But that did not include wireless data, which would be covered by this measure. 

Car manufacturers are opposed, saying the measure does not give them enough time to safely update car systems without exposing them to security risks. But each side also has broader support at the national level. The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration echoes concerns about cybersecurity, while Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, as well as consumer groups like Consumer Reports, support the legislation. Warren, the state’s senior senator, has called for national right-to-repair legislation. 

The outcome of this ballot initiative will have broad implications outside Massachusetts; the 2013 law led car manufacturers to share their data across the country. 

Michigan: Requiring search warrants for electronic data  

While the ballot initiatives in California and Massachusetts have support and opposition on both sides, voters in Michigan are expected to overwhelmingly support the state’s Proposition 2, which would require a search warrant for electronic data and communications. According to Ballotpedia, the proposal has no known opposition. 

It joins a number of other state regulations explicitly regulating police access to electronic data. In 2014, Missouri became the first state to protect electronic communications from search and seizure, and New Hampshire passed a similar bill in 2018; both were overwhelmingly popular, with support from 80% of voters in Missouri and 75% in New Hampshire. 

In 2019, Utah went a step further, becoming the first state to protect electronic data collected from third parties or remote servers—including  social-media data, search histories, and cell-phone location data—from warrantless access. It also passed unanimously.

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Want to know how to find Instagram’s hidden filters? Looking for quick and easy access to your favorite filters? In this article, you’ll discover how to use Instagram filters on feed posts, stories, and reels. You’ll also learn how to use a different filter for each image in a carousel post and find out how […]

The post Instagram Filter Hacks: How to Tap Into Hidden Filters appeared first on Social Media Examiner | Social Media Marketing.

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