Ice Lounge Media

Ice Lounge Media

Online platforms have made bans on political advertising a core part of their plans to mitigate the spread of disinformation around the US elections. Twitter moved early, banning political ads in October 2019. Facebook stopped accepting new ads last week and will indefinitely remove all political ads, old and new, after the polls close on Tuesday (the ban also applies to Instagram). Google and YouTube, meanwhile, will remove all political ads for “at least a week” once polls close. 

Turning off the spigot of political advertising is intended to limit the risk of sophisticated propaganda campaigns that could lead to more confusion or unrest. But that doesn’t mean you won’t hear from political groups at all: because of the way that each platform’s rules work, you’ll still be hearing plenty after the polls close, and in some cases they will still be paying to reach you. Campaigns also might need to fundraise after November 3 in the instance of legal challenges, meaning messages could keep coming for months.

For all platforms, what makes something a “political ad” is cloaked in regulatory legalese, but it generally means paid content that mentions a campaign, a candidate, the election, or social issues from any advertisers, including political action committees and nonprofit organizations.

Here are some of the routes and loopholes they’ll be using: 

Candidates themselves

Electoral candidates and campaigns will still be posting on their social media accounts. This includes personal accounts and any groups or pages related to their campaign, their party, or aligned advocacy groups. It’s likely that organizations will coordinate the sharing of those messages in an effort to get in front of audiences they previously had to pay to reach. 

If any candidate declares victory prior to official election results, Twitter and Facebook have committed to adding labels to those posts. Both companies say they will remove posts that incite violence. But there are concerns about consistent enforcement of these policies. 

Direct messages

Political texting has exploded during this election, and texts are likely to keep hitting your phone beyond Tuesday. Without social media advertising, texting is the easiest way for campaigns to mass-message people outside their supporter network. Data on mobile-phone numbers is widely accessible to both campaigns and interest groups, and the channel skirts regulations from the Federal Election Commission (FEC) around political disclosures. Text messages are also notoriously hard to fact-check: watch out for hard-to-trace texts that claim a victor. 

Emails are also a favored channel for campaign communications and will certainly continue to come in after the polls close. 

Influencers

The use of influencers for political campaigning, particularly on Instagram, has exploded in 2020, and the Biden and Bloomberg campaign both used influencers as part of their outreach strategy. Facebook has said that Instagram influencers who are paid by a campaign or other group that would usually be subject to ad restrictions are bound by its requirements around disclosure and political advertising.

Recent research indicates that disclosure does not happen consistently. Further, volunteer networks of influencer messaging are under no restrictions so long as they only volunteer intermittently, according to the FEC. Networks of celebrities and “nano-influencers” are free to post any unpaid messages, even if the messages themselves are written, designed, and coordinated by political campaigns. 

Campaign apps

Both presidential campaigns have developed apps for their supporters that allow them to send unlimited push notifications to users. The reach of the apps is obviously limited to those who have downloaded them, including many of each candidate’s base supporters. The Trump campaign app, particularly, collects a great deal of surveillance data on its users, including location and Bluetooth tracking, which could allow it to send notifications based on geographical triggers. 

Coordinated message networks

Organic networks of friends and family members are a great way for political campaigns to garner support, since they have trust and personalization built in. Campaigns and candidates are likely to continue to communicate via those networks using things like scripts and text templates to help supporters talk to their networks in private, unregulated spaces.

For example, a friend of yours might receive a text message from the Trump campaign that includes a text template meant for sharing, or from the Biden campaign that prompts people to reach out to friends with specific messaging.

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The modern AI revolution began during an obscure research contest. It was 2012, the third year of the annual ImageNet competition, which challenged teams to build computer vision systems that would recognize 1,000 objects, from animals to landscapes to people.

In the first two years, the best teams had failed to reach even 75% accuracy. But in the third, a band of three researchers—a professor and his students—suddenly blew past this ceiling. They won the competition by a staggering 10.8 percentage points. That professor was Geoffrey Hinton, and the technique they used was called deep learning.

Hinton had actually been working with deep learning since the 1980s, but its effectiveness had been limited by a lack of data and computational power. His steadfast belief in the technique ultimately paid massive dividends. The fourth year of the ImageNet competition, nearly every team was using deep learning and achieving miraculous accuracy gains. Soon enough deep learning was being applied to tasks beyond image recognition, and within a broad range of industries as well.

Last year, for his foundational contributions to the field, Hinton was awarded the Turing Award, alongside other AI pioneers Yann LeCun and Yoshua Bengio. On October 20, I spoke with him at MIT Technology Review’s annual EmTech MIT conference about the state of the field and where he thinks it should be headed next.

The following has been edited and condensed for clarity.

You think deep learning will be enough to replicate all of human intelligence. What makes you so sure?

I do believe deep learning is going to be able to do everything, but I do think there’s going to have to be quite a few conceptual breakthroughs. For example, in 2017 Ashish Vaswani et al. introduced transformers, which derive really good vectors representing word meanings. It was a conceptual breakthrough. It’s now used in almost all the very best natural-language processing. We’re going to need a bunch more breakthroughs like that.

And if we have those breakthroughs, will we be able to approximate all human intelligence through deep learning?

Yes. Particularly breakthroughs to do with how you get big vectors of neural activity to implement things like reason. But we also need a massive increase in scale. The human brain has about 100 trillion parameters, or synapses. What we now call a really big model, like GPT-3, has 175 billion. It’s a thousand times smaller than the brain. GPT-3 can now generate pretty plausible-looking text, and it’s still tiny compared to the brain.

When you say scale, do you mean bigger neural networks, more data, or both?

Both. There’s a sort of discrepancy between what happens in computer science and what happens with people. People have a huge amount of parameters compared with the amount of data they’re getting. Neural nets are surprisingly good at dealing with a rather small amount of data, with a huge numbers of parameters, but people are even better.

A lot of the people in the field believe that common sense is the next big capability to tackle. Do you agree?

I agree that that’s one of the very important things. I also think motor control is very important, and deep neural nets are now getting good at that. In particular, some recent work at Google has shown that you can do fine motor control and combine that with language, so that you can open a drawer and take out a block, and the system can tell you in natural language what it’s doing.

For things like GPT-3, which generates this wonderful text, it’s clear it must understand a lot to generate that text, but it’s not quite clear how much it understands. But if something opens the drawer and takes out a block and says, “I just opened a drawer and took out a block,” it’s hard to say it doesn’t understand what it’s doing.

The AI field has always looked to the human brain as its biggest source of inspiration, and different approaches to AI have stemmed from different theories in cognitive science. Do you believe the brain actually builds representations of the external world to understand it, or is that just a useful way of thinking about it?

A long time ago in cognitive science, there was a debate between two schools of thought. One was led by Stephen Kosslyn, and he believed that when you manipulate visual images in your mind, what you have is an array of pixels and you’re moving them around. The other school of thought was more in line with conventional AI. It said, “No, no, that’s nonsense. It’s hierarchical, structural descriptions. You have a symbolic structure in your mind, and that’s what you’re manipulating.”

I think they were both making the same mistake. Kosslyn thought we manipulated pixels because external images are made of pixels, and that’s a representation we understand. The symbol people thought we manipulated symbols because we also represent things in symbols, and that’s a representation we understand. I think that’s equally wrong. What’s inside the brain is these big vectors of neural activity.

There are some people who still believe that symbolic representation is one of the approaches for AI.

Absolutely. I have good friends like Hector Levesque, who really believes in the symbolic approach and has done great work in that. I disagree with him, but the symbolic approach is a perfectly reasonable thing to try. But my guess is in the end, we’ll realize that symbols just exist out there in the external world, and we do internal operations on big vectors.

What do you believe to be your most contrarian view on the future of AI?

Well, my problem is I have these contrarian views and then five years later, they’re mainstream. Most of my contrarian views from the 1980s are now kind of broadly accepted. It’s quite hard now to find people who disagree with them. So yeah, I’ve been sort of undermined in my contrarian views.

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